Sweden backs Ukraine’s women, and makes a strategic bet

In wars, the loudest spending is usually on shells, drones and air defences. The quieter spending matters too. On March 10th Sweden said it would channel just over SEK 71m to humanitarian work for women and girls in Ukraine, with the money split between UN Women and UNFPA under new three-year agreements. Of the 2026 allocations, SEK 22.5m is earmarked for UN Women’s humanitarian work in Ukraine and SEK 48.65m for UNFPA’s activities there. The money comes from Sweden’s development-assistance budget.

At first glance, the sum looks modest. Sweden says it has provided roughly SEK 24.7bn in civilian and humanitarian support to Ukraine since February 2022, and about SEK 128bn overall. Measured against that, this package is small beer. But it is aimed at something different. This is not budget support for the Ukrainian state, nor another military transfer. It is targeted funding for the bits of civilian life that war destroys early and rebuilds late: maternal care, psychosocial support, protection from gender-based violence, and sexual and reproductive health services.

That focus is less sentimental than strategic. UNFPA says the war has left more than 12.1m people in need of humanitarian support, that 2.9m people are at high risk of gender-based violence, and that more than 2,300 health facilities, including 94 maternity wards, have been attacked since the full-scale invasion began. Its 2026 regional appeal seeks $61.5m to sustain life-saving services. Sweden’s own release notes that UNFPA-backed services reach more than 8.9m people through 153 gynaecological clinics, 27 mobile reproductive-health units, three mobile maternity units and 104 health facilities.

The package also reflects an awkward truth about Ukraine’s war economy: women are not simply a vulnerable category in official prose. They are central to the country’s labour force, care systems and local resilience. UN Women warned in February that women and girls in Ukraine face a “deadly triple crisis” of war, attacks on energy infrastructure and funding cuts. It also said women-led organisations in Ukraine are projected to lose at least $52.9m by the end of 2026 because of cuts in 2025 and 2026. In those circumstances, financing women’s resilience is not a moral accessory to security policy. It is part of the machinery of endurance.

Sweden’s ministers more or less said so outright. Benjamin Dousa, the minister for international development cooperation and foreign trade, described Ukrainian women as “the backbone” of the country’s resilience. Nina Larsson, the gender-equality minister, called gender equality “a matter of defence and security”. The framing is deliberate. Stockholm says support to Ukraine remains its foremost foreign-policy priority; in February it also announced a SEK 12.9bn military package focused largely on air defence. This latest measure therefore sits in a broader Swedish theory of the war: Ukraine needs guns, certainly, but it also needs functioning clinics, shelters and social infrastructure if it is to remain governable and resilient.

That is the sharpest way to read the announcement. The money will not alter the military balance. It may, however, help preserve the human infrastructure without which military resistance curdles into social exhaustion. Russia is not only attacking front lines; it is attacking hospitals, utilities and the routines of ordinary life. In that sort of war, support for women and girls is not a niche humanitarian flourish. It is a small but rational investment in Ukraine’s capacity to keep going.

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